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First published in 1918, this is an indictment of the Wilhelmine regime and a warning against the joint elevation of militarism and commercial values. Diederich Hessling, embodiment of the corrupt society in which he moves and his progression through life forms the central theme of this book.
In the Hog Wallow, the Fattest Boar is KingReviewed by Giordano Bruno, 2010-01-16
Wilhelmine Germany, at the threshold of the 20th C, was truly a
malodorous 'Schweinpferch' -- at least as depicted in Heinrich
Mann's novel 'Der Untertan', published in 1918 -- and the grossest
boar (boor? bore?) in the pen was the Man of Straw (the English
Title) Diederich Hessling, clearly the embodiment of the cultural
corruption of his milieu. Hessling is possibly the most despicable
principal character in any novel I've ever read, though he'd have
some competition from Sinclair Lewis's Elmer Gantry. Both fictional
'heros' are blustering cowards, kiss-up/kick-down opportunists,
sexual bullies, vulgar, greedy, loveless, and hypocritical
blowhards of religious piety. There's a strong resemblance between
'Man of Straw' and the later works of Sinclair Lewis, both in style
and structure. Like 'Elmer Gantry' and 'Babbitt', Man of Straw is
the life story of one dreadfully flawed individual up to a certain
point of characterological apotheosis. Both authors are scornfully
satirical, not only of their principal characters but also of the
scoundrels and fools that surround them. Heinrich Mann paid a
higher price for his outspoken bitterness toward his crass society;
he was briefly imprisoned and then permanently exiled (and to
Southern California, alas!) while Lewis was awarded the Nobel prize
for Literature.
Diederich Hessling is the son of a modest paper-maker in a city
regarded as a bastion of liberal opposition to the Hohenzollern
monarchy. Diederich aspires to 'succeed' beyond the expectations of
his small wealth and subservient social status, and he does, with a
certain amount of dumb luck, either despite or because of his utter
lack of redeeming human qualities. That's the plot; I don't intend
to reveal more. It's the procession of swinish co-actors, friends
and foes being interchangeable, and the unexpected depths of
ignominy to which they stoop, that make the book worth reading. As
a bonus for the reader, the novel ends catastrophically,
picturesquely, with some sense of the impending 'Götterdammerung'
of Wilhelmine Germany.
Four years older than his brother Thomas, Heinrich Mann was not the
complex, conflicted word-artist Thomas Mann was. He was braver and
more clear-sighted, however, foreseeing the calamitous future of
postwar German culture far sooner than conservative Thomas, and his
novels are more less ponderous, more energetic in narrative, more
readable even if arguably less profound philosophically. He's best
known in the English world for his novel 'Professor Unrat", on
which the famous film "The Blue Angel" was based. This Penguin
edition translation is reasonably representative of Mann's prose
style.
a society at war against itselfReviewed by Lyn Bann, 2006-03-13
MAN OF STRAW is a politically committed satire against the upper
middle-classes in the time of the empire of William II (Kaiser
Wilhelm, 1859 - 1941, the German emperor and king of Prussia from
1888 to 1918 who asserted Germany's claim to world leadership and
was made to abdicate at the end of World War I, at the time when
this novel was written). As such, Man of Straw describes the kind
of conditions in European society which led to World War I.
The novel's antihero Dr Diederich Hessling is the son of a small
factory owner in the small town of Netzig. He is described as the
archetype of the mediocre but "serviceable" loyal subject, and the
negative journey that traces his development towards maturity and
social recognition constitutes an indictment of the kind of citizen
created by authoritarian Power in a time of increased commercialist
and military values.
The action takes place in the 1890s, and even though the question
of the origins of the Great War is still debated nowadays, it does
much to expose the perilousness of the ideas that were taking root
at the time. Diederich's morally reprehensible acts since childhood
are his best asset to grow and prosper in society. His final
oration on the occasion of the erection of a monument to the
Emperor in town is a celebration of Germany's right to mastery of
the sea. From the historical point of view, the novel is therefore
an accurate reflection of the relevance of the threatening
transformation of the relations between the states and the (arms)
industry that had been taking place since the Industrial
Revolution. Governments needed not so much the actual output of
weapons, but the capacity to produce them on a wartime scale, if
the occasion arose. This new and complicated state of affairs went
hand in hand with the development of socialist ideology (with
Ferdinand Lassalle in Germany), which was experienced as a source
of terror on the part of part of society. The combination of these
two novel results of the Industrial Revolution (the
industrialisation of war and the arms race on the one hand, and the
rise of the socialist and workers movements on the other) combined
to produce a terrified moral state in sections of society who
sought refuge within the ideological framework of a strong
movement, Nationalism.
The role of the press as the link between Authority and the Citizen
is originally presented in the novel. The newspapers, even those
with a Liberal outlook, such as Netzig's, are fond of including
royal anecdotes in their reports, that do much to encourage the
belief of a direct, personal relationship between the subjects and
the monarch. This over-simplification of affairs results in the
citizens' readiness to wage war against England on the basis of
trivial anecdotes in gossip columns: "We needed a strong fleet
against England, which must be absolutely smashed; it was the
deadliest enemy of the Emperor. And why? In Netzig they knew all
about it. Simply because His Majesty had once, in a lively mood,
given the Prince of Wales a friendly kick in a tempting portion of
his anatomy." These flippant explanations, and the inevitable
suspicious of England's commercial power, are the means that lead
to a re-interpretation of history and national hatred. "I hate
England as only Frederick the Great hated that nation of thieves
and tradesmen," says Diederich. But the fact is that he had not
particularly cared about these sentiments until the time of the
introduction of the Army Bill that seeked to augment Germany's
naval power. The sentiments of the loyal subject are therefore both
constant and voluble: they seek to satisfy the whims of Authority,
even if Authority changes its mind, and in order to know
Authority's mental state - which is so necessary in order to know
one's own opinions - the role of the press is priceless. As a
matter of fact, in his zeal for impersonating the mind of the
monarch, Diederich goes so far as to seek to anticipate the
Emperor's ideas, which results in a comic series of events during
the middle part of the novel.
The originality of the novel is also present in the depiction of
the working classes and the Social Democrats in general "the men
without a country", who are by no means seen as an unempowered
group. The majority of the workers in Diederich's factory are
politically committed and mature enough to see their chances to
take part in parliamentary and power politics. The most serious
thematic thread in the novel actually deals with the secret pact
between the socialist workers and the nationalist patriots to outdo
the middle-class Liberals in Parliament. This way, the German
educated Liberals are seen as the true victims of the state of
affairs in the town, previously a stronghold of Liberalism. The
novel ends as a bitter criticism of the passivity and lack of
adequate mental and practical resolution of this sector of society,
that allowed itself to withdraw and be teased off all its power in
the face of the progress made by radicals on both the right and the
left. It is for this cause that the death of old Buck, the Liberal
patriarch of the town, is presented at the very end of the novel
and constitutes its conclusion. In his deathbed, his soul seems to
suffer remorse for his failure to save educated, middle-class
Liberalism from the trial that it suffered in Netzig and in this
way Heinrich Mann conveys to us his belief that men's souls are not
saved on ideas alone, but on ideas as combined with successful
action, both in the family and social spheres.
Eric Hobsbawm describes the kind of historical background of the
novel with clarity: "In practical terms, the danger was not that
Germany concretely proposed to take Britain's place as a global
power, though the rhetoric of German nationalist agitation readily
struck the anti-British note. It was rather that a global power
required a global navy, and Germany therefore set out (1897) to
construct a great battle-fleet, which had the incidental advantage
of representing not the old German states but exclusively the new
united Germany, with an officer corps which represented not
Prussian "junkers" or other aristocratic warrior traditions, but
the new middle classes, that is to say the new nation:" That is to
say the Hesslings and the whole bourgeois society which seemed
unable to disentangle itself from the aspect of war that has been a
feature of world history since that time.
A memorable section of the novel, in chapter V, involves the
representation of a play "written" by the wife of the town's
governor, during which a parody of the creative process is
presented by putting it at the level of this woman's diminished
abilities: "Afterwards one does't know how it happens. It is worked
out so mysteriously in one's mind!" So-called bourgeois art is this
way criticized, since the creative gift is in the opinion of the
characters mysteriously bequeathed by military success: "If my
great ancestor had not won the battle of Kröchenwerda, who knows
if I should have written "The Secret Countess"?"
A more auspicious view of art is presented by old Buck, who in this
section presents the conformist character of his aspirations, when
he compares himself with the artistic pictures in the theatre
building - a description of a particular style and time, aiming at
permanence but not at reproduction: "I suceeded in having our
modern street plan altered in order to save this house and this
paintings. They may only have the value of descriptive records. But
a picture which lends permanence to its own times and manners may
hope for permanence itself." From this moment of acknowledged
defeat towards the end, the novel loses some of its momentum, but
overall does not fail to represent something more than just a
representation of a certain time and place, since its alluring
suggestiveness manages to encompass issues that are present to us
in our times.
This book can be read together with:
J. P. Taylor, The Struggle for Mastery in Europe (1954)
Paul Kennedy, The Rise of the Anglo-German Antagonism 1860 - 1914
(1980)
Robert Wohl, The Generation of 1914 (1979)
Mann warns of the dangers of blind nationalismReviewed by Daniel J. Hamlow, 2003-03-13
Heinrich Mann's novel paints a portrait of the Second Reich through the eyes of Diedrich Hessling, an unconsequential little man who bullied his way into society using superpatriotism (he even curls his mustache so that it resembles the emperor's) and nationalism as a crutch, finally gaining status as a prominent conservative businessman, in the process being metamorphosed into a mini-Kaiser. His struggle was a reflection of the Second Reich's attempt at world domination through nationalism and Social Darwinism.
His use of patriotism to the emperor was used when he manipulates someone into stating that the Hohenzollerns were Jews, accusing him of lese-majeste. At that man's trial, Diedrich is accurately portrayed as "an average man, with a commonplace mind,... without courage so long as things are going badly for him and tremendously self-important as soon as they had turned in his favour"
Diedrich doesn't hesitate to make alliances when expedient and to boost his star higher, such as his association with his nemesis, Napoleon Fischer, a Social Democrat machinist at his factory. On one occasion, to cover up his own mistake in miscalculating the dimensions of the New Patent Cylinder Machine, he bribed Fischer to sabotage the machine so that he had a case to return it. Later, the two agreed to help each other in their political ambitions.
Thus Diedrich used his patriotism and anti-Social Democratic stance as ways to boost himself onward and upward, yet willing to make alliances with his alleged enemies, similar to the way Bismarck used nationalism as a tool to rally the Liberals against his wars against Austria and the south German states against France, all for his own personal power.
The importance of Wilhelm II's attempted surpassing of Bismarck must be reiterated. Diedrich's colleague warns people of the danger of any man emulating Bismarck: "Weak and pacifistic by nature, he becomes noisy and dangerous. Without a doubt the victories of his vanity will serve commercial ends. First his travesty of opinion brings a man to prison for lese-majeste. Afterwards he reaps his profit" So by virtue of the chain rule, Diedrich was in fact emulating Bismarck, making him not only a mini-Kaiser, but also a mini-Iron Chancellor. And this illustrates Mann's criticism of Bismarck's self-motivating political profit, perpetuated in the person of Diedrich.
Mann's novel is a portrait of pre-war Wilhelmine Germany (1888-1914). He thus saw as reasons for Germany's defeat in World War I the blind nationalism of the people and their obedience to the autocratic rule of the Kaiser. It's a warning to be heeded by any nation making rumblings toward war.
Read this book and you will finally be able to understand...Reviewed by Michael Borgwardt, 2001-04-02
... how Hitler, World War II and the Holocaust could happen. At least that's how I felt after reading it (and I'm German). The book describes the life of a man named Diederich Häßling, who grows up in pre-WWI Germany. He learns to respect, to love authority unquestioningly, even when it hurts him or is obviously unjust. And when he comes into a position of authority himself, he employs it just as brutally and unjustly. The reader looks on in horrified fascination and thinks: "if people really thought like that, then no atrocity is impossible..."
How Good Was This!!!Reviewed by Anonymous, 2001-03-06
This book shows that many people can live from after having cancer, espically lung prison.